Sergey Stepashin. Photo © "Liberali"
Russian-Abkhaz relations are gradually deteriorating like this happened between Moscow and Minsk.
After the opposition raised a stir around the misappropriation of the financial aid provided by Russia, Russian Audit Chamber Head Sergey Stepashin visited Abkhazia. However, his visit failed to bring expected peace to the seething political life of this country.
On the contrary, Stepashin's visit gave rise to another conflict and for the first time, debates between Moscow and Sukhumi developed into an open squabble between officials.
Stepashin's visit to Sukhumi served as a catalyser of absolutely new political processes. The Abkhaz public was waiting for the top Russian official's visit, as Stepashin was to confirm or deny the Abkhaz opposition's reports that the government in Sukhumi had misused the financial aid allocated by Russia. Forecasts by the Abkhaz opposition proved to be true: Stepashin took the side of the Abkhaz government and said that they "are building efficiently and sparingly".
Moreover, Stepashin made quite tough statements on the opposition and the local budgetary system: "I would like the opposition to give concrete good recommendations instead of saying unfounded things. They raised a stir about Abkhazia allegedly handing over some property to Russia. We are losing our property. So what shall we do? Shall we measure who is stronger?" This is what the head of the Russian Federation Audit Chamber said about the three dachas the Abkhaz government intends to hand over to Russia.
Following this statement, opposition leader Raul Khajimba published an article, in which he moved the problem of long-chilled Abkhaz-Russian relations from the level of domestic discourse in Abkhazia to the open polemic between Russian and Abkhaz politicians.
Commenting on the statement by Audit Chamber Head Sergey Stepashin, opposition leader Raul Khajimba instructively said that "the Russian official is poking his nose into others' affairs".
"Mr Stepashin described the opposition as 'politicos' for their attitude towards these problems. In that case, how correct is it politically for Mr Stepashin to interfere in the domestic political processes in Abkhazia and to assess the Abkhaz opposition's actions," Raul Khajimba said in conclusion of his article ("A free hand to continue").
It is difficult to say why Stepashin went so far. Even the top Russian officials - Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev - refrained from making comments on the domestic political situation during their visits to Abkhazia. Putin even personally met opposition representatives when he was in Sukhumi.
Stepashin may have simply forgotten that he was "not in Nalchik or Maykop".
In the meantime, Moscow and Sukhumi are making so many mistakes in relations with each other that even top Rsusian officials will soon find it difficult to say that relations between the two countries remain unchanged.
Today's Abkhazia is living a "special" political life. This is a country, where "eastern" and "western" features merge. Dithyrambs devoted to Bagapsh can be heard here together with sufficiently harsh criticism of him.
Many in Sukhumi believe that Abkhaz president Sergey Bagapsh is excessively pliant to Russia.
Is it really possible for the Abkhaz president, as his opponents presume, to act contrary to this country's national interests and to make decisions advantageous for the "powerful elder brother" in cases like the handover of state dachas to Russia and the ratification of military agreements?
"Yes, that is so," the opposition maintains unanimously. Analysts of independent newspapers, some parliamentarians, bloggers, and many other in Abkhazia believe so.
However, they all forget the year 1995, when the blockade of Abkhazia was in full swing. Many thousand people gathered in the central square in Sukhumi then to sign a petition to the Kremlin, asking to accept Abkhazia as part of the Russian Federation.
Fifteen years have passed since that day. Abkhazia has travelled a long road. Initially, it was part of Georgia under blockade, but it is now an independent country recognised by several states.
Probably this is why Bagapsh was overwhelmed by righteous indignation at the final news conference ahead of the New Year. He is building roads, hospitals, and schools with Russian money, but his approval rating of the head of state is implacably reducing. To support the government is already believed to be a bad tone within the active civil sector.
The scandal that erupted in December, when the opposition accused the Abkhaz government of ineffective use of the Russian financial aid, has already shaped the political weather in this country for the whole of 2011.
The accusations of misusing the Russian money will definitely have an impact on the ruling nomenclature. For example, a powerful blow has already been delivered to vice president Aleksandr Ankvab's positions, because it is he who is in charge of most building projects.
For the time being, the head of the Abkhaz government, Sergey Shamba, is not being mentioned in this connection. However, he also receives Russian money.
If the situation is not defused, it is quite possible that the confrontation between top officials from Sukhumi and Moscow may develop into a conflict between Russia and Abkhazia.
At the same time, Khajimba's demarche against Stepashin may serve to stick the label of "anti-Russian" onto the Abkhaz opposition, which will be followed by the Kremlin's appropriate attitude towards it. Russia will use all available means to find a "worthy" replacement for loyal Bagapsh, who, according to the law, cannot remain in the post of president for a third term.
In the meantime, anti-Russian sentiments are becoming stronger in Abkhazia proper, where people are not accustomed to receiving orders from Moscow. It is obvious that Abkhazia and Russia are now far removed from the ideal friendship of 2008, when Moscow recognised the independence of Apsny.
The terminology used in the article belongs to the author and not “Liberali”.
The article is prepared with support of Heinrich Boell Foundation. The publication statements and ideas do not necessarily express the Heinrich Boell Foundation opinion.