A Mirror of Political Control: The Struggle for Environmental Participation in Azerbaijan

On December 9, 2023, Azerbaijan was announced as the host for COP29, the UN Climate Change Conference. Just twenty days earlier, Ulvi Hasanli, an independent journalist and the director of AbzasMedia—a non-profit independent media outlet famous for its investigations on corruption and human rights violations—was detained by police. Initially placed in pre-trial detention for four months, Hasanli remains incarcerated as of October 2024, marking nearly a year in pre-trial detention.

The intersection of environmental governance and political control has become a focal point of global discourse as countering adverse effects of climate change are mainstreamed in political agendas, particularly in nations where authoritarian regimes prevail. With its rich hydrocarbon resources and strategic geopolitical position, Azerbaijan presents a striking case study of how authoritarian regimes exploit environmental governance to consolidate power while undermining procedural rights. 

As the nation gears up for COP29 from November 11-22 this year, it faces a complex interplay of political repression and environmental crises that jeopardize its citizens' well-being. Instead of engaging with independent NGOs, the Azerbaijani government actively excludes and persecutes them. Since November 2023, at least 25 journalists and critics have been arrested, and reports indicate that Azerbaijan holds a “three-digit number” of political prisoners.^[1] The pattern of arrests, which began with media outlets in November 2023, has since extended to encompass NGO leaders, human rights defenders, researchers, and government critics, culminating in a recent wave of repression targeting peace activists, exemplified by the arrest of Bahruz Samadov in August 2024.^[2] Simultaneously, the country is grappling with a myriad of environmental problems, such as climate change, air pollution, and water scarcity, exacerbated by the harmful consequences of the fossil fuel industry. Recent reports indicate that air pollution levels in Baku exceed safe limits, and nearly 30% of the population lacks access to safe drinking water.^[3]

These two issues are intricately linked though. Exploiting natural resources bolsters government power, leading to the persecution of dissent. In turn, the suppression of dissent eliminates critical oversight of government activities, resulting in further violations of both environmental rights and civil liberties. The ongoing repression of journalists, activists, and human rights defenders further silences citizens, leaving them without a voice to advocate for solutions to these pressing environmental problems. As dissent is stifled, the government maintains control over environmental policies, allowing corruption and mismanagement to flourish.

This article examines the relationship between environmental procedural rights and the struggle for public participation in Azerbaijan, illustrating how these issues reflect broader political control. 

The Intersection of Politics and Ecology in Azerbaijan

In Azerbaijan, the political climate is notably fraught, with citizens deprived of fundamental civil and political rights, including freedom of expression and assembly. Those who attempt to exercise these rights are often subjected to various forms of persecution. Reports from international organizations consistently highlight these restrictions. According to Freedom House’s Freedom in the World 2024 report, Azerbaijan is rated as “not free”, with a score of 7 out of 100 on its global freedom scale.^[4] Additionally, Azerbaijan ranks among the lowest globally for transparency, positioned at 154th out of 180 countries on Transparency International's Corruption Perception Index.^[5] In 2024, Reporters Without Borders ranked Azerbaijan 164th out of 180 countries on its press freedom index, reinforcing its position as one of the most repressive states in the world. According to the Union for the Freedom of Political Prisoners in Azerbaijan, as of June 2024, there are 303 political prisoners in the country.^[6] 

This trend of repression extends beyond political freedoms and into environmental issues; the country's geographic location, coupled with poor management and its reliance on the fossil fuel industry, exacerbates growing environmental problems. A recent report by IQAir ranks Azerbaijan 52nd out of 134 countries for PM2.5 levels, which exceed World Health Organization (WHO) safe limits^[7], with Baku facing even worse air quality, ranking 45th out of 114 cities assessed. According to the World Health Report, in 2023, 28% of the Azerbaijani population lacked access to safe drinking water, a 12% increase from the 2022 report.^[8] The amount of green space in the country is significantly limited; with Baku offering approximately 5 square meters per capita compared to the WHO's minimum recommendation of 9 square meters and an average of 41 square meters in European capitals.^[9] 

Under the Paris Agreement, Azerbaijan aims to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 35% by 2030 and by 40% by 2050; however, organizations like the World Bank argue that this plan is overly ambitious and the country is not on track to hit these targets.^[10] The Azerbaijan National Ecosystem Assessment, prepared by the Ministry of Ecology and Natural Resources in collaboration with the Regional Environmental Centre for the Caucasus, also notes the lack of an adaptation component in achieving this goal.^[11] The Climate Action Tracker (CAT) has rated Azerbaijan's climate action as “Critically Insufficient”, noting that the country appears to have abandoned its 2030 emissions target, “moving backward instead of forward on climate action.”^[12]

While talking about Azerbaijan`s environmental and political problems, it is essential to recognize that it was actually the natural resources—particularly its abundant hydrocarbon resources—that have become a double-edged sword, significantly contributing to the violation of civil rights. Unlike neighboring countries Georgia and Armenia, political movements in Azerbaijan had evolved much closer to a model resembling a totalitarian regime, largely fuelled by the substantial wealth generated from its energy reserves. The energy reserves and the financial power they confer enabled the government to suppress the opposition.^[13] Through so-called “caviar diplomacy” and other diplomatic tactics, the Azerbaijani government has managed to influence Western diplomats, affirm its legitimacy, and shield itself from sanctions for human rights abuses. 

The war in Ukraine has further intensified this issue. The West's reliance on Azerbaijani gas has increased as Europe aims to reduce its dependence on Russian energy. On July 18, 2022, the European Union marked the signing of a new energy agreement with Azerbaijan, according to which Azerbaijan needed to double the gas supply to Europe.^[14] Later in the year, President Ilham Aliyev announced that Azerbaijan's gas exports are projected to rise by over 10% in 2024, with more than half directed to Europe. Although overall gas exports have not yet fully increased as stipulated in the agreement, Azerbaijan is regarded as “a reliable and trustworthy energy partner”^[15] remaining the fourth-largest gas supplier to Europe. This necessity shifts the geopolitical landscape, making Azerbaijan vital for Europe, which may if needed, overlook the ongoing human rights violations occurring in the country. 

The history of environmental activism in the country provides further insight into this issue. One of the earliest significant “environmental” protests occurred within a political context when people rallied against logging activities conducted by the Nagorno-Karabakh authorities in the Topkhana forest, where they aimed to build an aluminum plant. This protest later served as a crucial precursor to the subsequent ethnic conflict in the region at the time of the Soviet Union`s collapse. Many scholars have long debated whether these demonstrations were driven by genuine environmental concerns or reactions shaped by the political backdrop.^[16] This historical context sets the stage for understanding the broader dynamics between environmentalism and political control in Azerbaijan.

A similar trend, this time effectively closely facilitated by the government, continued into the 21st century. In December 2022, Azerbaijani citizens protested against the illegal gold mining activities of Armenians in Karabakh, blocking the Lachin corridor under the guise of environmental concerns. While the government frequently denies opposition and activist protests in the center of Baku, citing reasons such as “obstructing transportation” and “violating citizens' right to free movement”, it allowed a protest that blocked the only road between Armenians and Karabakh. This selective approach to dissent reflects the Azerbaijani government's documented history of violently dispersing authentic environmental protests, suggesting that the recent protest was orchestrated as a political tool to justify closing the corridor, with state-mobilized actors posing as eco-activists.^[17]

The conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia also hampers efforts to address common environmental issues affecting the region. Common challenges, such as deforestation, land degradation, resource exploitation, and pollution are difficult to tackle collectively due to weak intergovernmental relations.^[18] The conflict further complicates the resolution of issues related to the pollution and water shortage in the Aras River and environmental challenges in Karabakh. Additionally, the inability of Azerbaijan and other Caspian littoral states to collaborate impedes efforts to address the declining health of the Caspian Sea, which has experienced a significant drop in water levels, declining by as much as 114 centimeters over the past decade.^[19]

Public Participation in Environmental Matters

The landscape of environmental activism is starkly limited in Azerbaijan. There are very few environmental activists, and the number of independent environmental NGOs or human rights defenders dedicated to environmental issues can be counted on one hand. This scarcity is primarily due to the systematic persecution and repression faced by NGOs and citizens who attempt to engage in environmental advocacy. Beyond the realm of activism, ordinary citizens are unable to voice their concerns when environmental problems arise.  The government's strict control over civil society and its repressive tactics create an atmosphere of fear and silence. Citizens are often discouraged from speaking out due to the threat of detention, harassment, and other forms of persecution.

It is no coincidence that after protests in the Gabaday district’s Soyudlu village led to the halting of a gold mining operation, the company restarted its activities in August this year, but this time faced no response from civil society or the local citizenry – those who could have spoken out were either threatened, detained, or subjected to severe repression, effectively silencing any potential opposition.

a) Non-governmental organizations 

The role of civil society and NGOs is crucial in engaging in environmental issues. Yet, these organizations struggle to fulfill this role due to a myriad of broad and specific challenges.

To begin with, there exists a significant lack of an independent environment for NGOs to operate effectively. Following a harsh crackdown on civil society in 2014, the independent civil society landscape was effectively dismantled. Influential human rights activists were arrested, foreign NGOs were expelled, and new restrictive laws were introduced, severely curbing the operations and funding of NGOs. Consequently, registering independent NGOs has become nearly impossible; those that do exist must seek approval from the Ministry of Justice for any grants.

The result is a stark absence of registered independent environmental NGOs in Azerbaijan. Those that operate independently often lack official registration and are unable to legally accept grants or similar funding. Instead, the landscape is dominated by government-organized non-governmental organizations (GONGOs), which operate under the guise of civil society but often lack genuine independence.

The situation has worsened with the recent wave of NGO crackdowns that began in 2023-2024. While this wave has not primarily targeted environmental activists—of whom they are very few—many arrested individuals have been involved in environmental work. For example, the AbzasMedia team is renowned for its extensive environmental investigations, including the Soyudlu case; human rights defender Anar Mammadli was a member of the COP29 Climate Justice Initiative; Dr. Qubad Ibadoghlu has carried out extensive research on the oil and gas industry, investigating corruption within the State Oil Fund of Azerbaijan (SOFAZ).^[20] Although these individuals may not identify as environmental activists per se, their efforts are undeniably intertwined with environmental concerns. Their imprisonment represents a significant barrier to public participation in environmental issues and has unequivocally impacted the environmental agenda. 

Yet, there are still so few environmental activists and NGOs focused on this field in Azerbaijan. 

Three primary factors contribute to this reality: the lack of prioritization of environmental issues, insufficient environmental knowledge, and financial constraints. When examining the overall focus of NGOs in Azerbaijan, it becomes apparent that the majority are dedicated to human rights, media, and gender issues, which are often perceived as more urgent within the current climate. Naturally, when personal freedoms are under threat, concerns about environmental protection take a backseat. Thus, the addressing of environmental issues becomes less meaningful to many when pressing human rights concerns loom larger.

Moreover, even the few existing environmental NGOs often struggle with inadequate knowledge about environmental matters. The absence of an independent academic environment in the country hampers the growth of this expertise. During the Soyudlu incident in Gadabay, for example, independent NGOs and human rights defenders encountered significant obstacles in detecting cyanide contamination in the lake; those willing to investigate lacked the academic know-how, while those with the knowledge feared political repercussions. 

In addition to the complexities of grant legislation, civil society faces substantial financial limitations. Donor organizations often prioritize pressing issues over environmental matters, allocating no or minimal funding for ecological initiatives. A review of the grant policies of international organizations reveals that Azerbaijani civil society receives the least financial support for environmental issues in the South Caucasus.^[21] As a result, civil society carries out its environmental activities in a disorganized manner, relying on random funding.

GONGOs

The prevalence of GONGOs in Azerbaijan highlights a broader issue within the country’s civil society landscape. These organizations often engage in activities that amount to “greenwashing” rather than address real problems. The activities they organize, such as tree-planting campaigns and beach clean-ups, focus more on their visual impact rather than achieving long-term environmental benefits. This form of greenwashing allows the government to appear active in environmental protection without enacting meaningful change.

Among the most prominent is the International Dialogue for Environmental Action (IDEA) Public Union, founded and chaired by Leyla Aliyeva, the daughter of President Ilham Aliyev. Given this connection, it is unrealistic to expect this organization, which is the largest environmental GONGO in the country, to criticize the current regime’s environmental policies. Another notable example is the Toplan Care for Homeless Dogs Centre. While not a non-governmental organization, it is a joint project established in cooperation with the Heydar Aliyev Foundation—a non-profit organization headed by Mehriban Aliyeva, the wife of the President and the country's first vice president, with Leyla Aliyeva serving as vice president—and the Baku City Executive Authority. Despite its purported mission of animal welfare, this project has faced serious allegations that starkly contrast with its stated goals. Activists claimed that Toplan took stray dogs from central Baku to the city’s outskirts where they were allegedly shot and killed.^[22] While the allegation of the killings remained unverified, videos shared on social media purportedly show Toplan employees torturing dogs. In response to the public outcry, Toplan fired the individuals involved in these incidents.^[23] When animal rights activists attempted to gather information on this issue, their protests were brutally dispersed. They were not provided with information about the whereabouts of stray dogs, and many activists were detained, fined, and subjected to violence by the police.^[24] Additionally, some individuals even faced defamation charges initiated by Toplan.^[25] 

The prevalence of GONGOs in Azerbaijan not only undermines genuine civil society efforts but also perpetuates a facade of environmental activism that fails to address the country's pressing ecological issues.

b) Citizens and Grassroots Participation

Although Azerbaijan is a country with abundant hydrocarbon resources, the general populace does not enjoy a correspondingly high standard of living due to widespread corruption, lack of transparency, and economic inequality. On the contrary, the adverse effects of these industries are externalized onto the less powerful segments of society.^[26] The benefits of hydrocarbon resources such as financial assets or high social status are internalized by those in power, whereas the negative consequences of air and water pollution, and land degradation are disproportionately borne by weaker communities. It is not really difficult to find instances of crude oil contaminating rivers^[27], oil seeping into residential areas, destroying citizens’ houses^[28], location of oil wells near homes without any kind of protection,^[29] or oil pits creating foul air and environmental hazards.^[30] More than that, natural resources and the environment are not merely sources of leisure and aesthetic enjoyment; for a significant portion of the population, they constitute a subsistence right^[31], essential for their livelihood. Resources like water, pastures, and forests are vital for their daily survival. For instance, agriculture employs 36 percent of the workforce, underscoring the importance of protecting these resources to ensure the well-being and economic stability of a large segment of the population.^[32]

For these and similar reasons, public participation in environmental matters is essential for the well-being of the Azerbaijani people. However, there is a significant lack of interest among the populace in engaging with ecological processes. An organization advocating for ecological rights has told us in an interview that, although numerous free environmental complaints have been prepared, none have been submitted to government institutions by regular citizens. This disinterest is deeply rooted in the state's policies; educational curricula in Azerbaijan lack comprehensive initiatives for environmental awareness, and the public, including NGOs, are barred or face severe restrictions in conducting environmental awareness activities. A tragic incident in May 2023 exemplifies this issue. Two 10-year-old children drowned in a well filled with water, fuel oil, and household waste in the village of Mastaga, Baku. Following the incident, the local municipality blamed the State Oil Company of Azerbaijan Republic (SOCAR), which in turn denied ownership of the well and blamed the municipality.^[33] This incident was significant, yet it failed to provoke a substantial public response. It is also debatable even if protests had occurred, whether they would have resulted in positive outcomes; nonetheless, the lack of any collective action underscores the pervasive sense of hopelessness among the populace.

Saatli and Soyudlu cases

When people become interested in environmental issues and protest against violations, what happens then? Unfortunately, the recent experiences in Azerbaijan reveal a troubling pattern of state repression.

According to the 2023 World Report by Human Rights Watch, two grassroots movements related to environmental concerns were violently suppressed in Azerbaijan that year.^[34] These include the ecological protests in Saatli and Soyudlu villages. The protest in Saatli focused on water scarcity, while the Soyudlu demonstration addressed the creation of an artificial lake used to dump acid waste from a nearby gold mine. In both instances, peaceful protesters were met with excessive police force, including tear gas and rubber bullets. 

In Saatli, three individuals, including a 15-year-old teenager, sustained severe injuries, while eight people were apprehended; among them, three received administrative detention.^[35] In Soyudlu, numerous individuals, including elderly women, were injured, with eleven people detained—eight of whom received administrative detention sentences—and three charged with drug offenses.^[36] As of now, those who participated in these demonstrations remain in detention facilities. 

The government's use of force against the citizens does not necessarily indicate their disregard for specific demands. In fact, in both instances, the government had the option to address these concerns constructively. However, the government's decision to employ coercive measures instead reflects a broader strategy. By demonstrating a willingness to use force, the government seeks to create an environment where individuals feel threatened and are dissuaded from forming these kinds of protests in the future. The aim is to prevent the emergence of grassroots movements that could challenge the government's authority or expose its shortcomings.

This is evident from subsequent developments that indicate the protests did yield some positive outcomes. For example, the incident in Soyudlu village garnered significant attention, leading President Aliyev to address the issue in a public speech. Following this, the Cabinet of Ministers formed a working group to investigate the situation.^[37] During this investigation, cyanide was discovered in the lake, and the company’s operations were halted for a year.^[38] 

Despite all this attention, the government’s response remained focused on suppression. In addition to the ill-treatment and detention of protest participants, broader strategies were enacted to obstruct public oversight: Following the protest, the phones of three journalists were seized, another was summoned to the police station, and another was threatened with having his relatives fired.^[39] Additionally, one journalist was subjected to torture to compel him to remove his Facebook posts containing photographs of officers who participated in dispersing the protest.^[40] The village and the lake were blockaded to prevent anyone from accessing the scene; specially equipped police forces had been deployed to the area.^[41] These not only demonstrated a readiness to quell dissent but also sent a message that public participation is not really tolerated in the country. It is no coincidence that after the Soyudlu incident, the President not only promised to address the issue but also severely criticized the citizens. He stated that the Azerbaijani police behaved with dignity during the incident and declared: 

“I will not allow anyone to tarnish the police. I am telling everyone, we will not tolerate anyone’s whims here. If necessary, we will punish anyone so severely that they will regret it.”^[42]

Of course, it is impossible to say that the police behaved with dignity when they applied riot measures against children and elderly women. The outcome of these pressures is evident. In August this year, the Azerbaijani government permitted the resumption of the gold mining operation in Soyudlu village.^[43] However, neither the local population nor civil society attempted to access the site or conduct investigations this time, as everyone remembered what happened to those who tried last year.

The state’s response to environmental protests in Azerbaijan starkly illustrates the conflict between civic engagement and political control. When peaceful protests are met with excessive force, this not only hinders the emergence of grassroots activism but also perpetuates a sense of helplessness among the populace, deterring individuals from advocating for their rights and the protection of their environment. 

Conclusion

This article has explored the complex interplay between environmental procedural rights and political control in Azerbaijan, demonstrating that environmental issues in Azerbaijan cannot be viewed in isolation. To address ecological concerns effectively, one must understand that these efforts are inherently linked to broader political dynamics. The struggle for public participation in environmental matters is equally hampered by factors, which are fundamentally political in nature. The lack of public enthusiasm for environmental issues, the low prioritization of these issues by existing NGOs, and the limited number of environmental activists are all symptomatic of the broader political environment. The state’s violent response to grassroots movements, exemplified by the suppression of protests in Saatli and Soyudlu, underscores a broader strategy to stifle dissent and maintain control, thereby limiting meaningful public engagement in environmental decision-making.

Fostering a culture of genuine public involvement is vital not only for addressing environmental issues but also for strengthening democratic freedoms and accountability within the country. As Azerbaijan stands at a crossroads, the international community must remain vigilant and advocate for the protection of civic space and environmental rights. COP29 shall be a critical opportunity for the international community to exert pressure on the Azerbaijani government to uphold its environmental and human rights obligations. International scrutiny and support for independent civil society organizations are essential to promote transparency and accountability.

Only by intertwining environmental justice with the broader struggle for human rights and democratic governance can meaningful progress be achieved.

The Content of the Article is the sole responsibility of the author and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the Heinrich Boell Foundation Tbilisi Office - South Caucasus Region